Category and Position as Correlates in determining Patterns of Default Accentuation in Japanese: Evidence from Nonce words
نویسنده
چکیده
BACKGROUND: Accentuation in Japanese loanword phonology has been an area of controversy. Previous linguists such as McCawley (1968) have suggested a traditional mora-based generalization: loanword accentuation in Japanese has a basic default pattern on the syllable containing the antepenultimate mora; while others claim that Japanese loanword accentuation follows the Latin stress rule (Kubozono 2002a). More recently however, Shiozaki (to appear) carried out a nonce word experiment observing preference for the pre-antepenultimate mora accent for word-final /LLH/ syllable sequence but interestingly, the antepenultimate mora accent for word-final /HLH/ syllable sequence. ‘L’ and ‘H’ denote light and heavy syllables respectively. In relation to word-final heavy syllables and accent placement, Kubozono (2004) proposes a positional weight neutralization theory whereby depending on the type of word-final heavy syllable a sequence takes, the distinction between a heavy syllable and a light syllable is “neutralized,” thus behaving more like a word-final light syllable in terms of accent placement. This positional weight neutralization is more likely to occur for word-final long vowels (V ̆) than moraic nasals (N) or diphthongs (J).
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